USuncutMN says: Tax the corporations! Tax the rich! Stop the cuts, fight for social justice for all. Standing in solidarity with http://www.usuncut.org/ and other Uncutters worldwide. FIGHT for a Foreclosure Moratorium! Foreclosure = homelessness. Resist the American Legislative Exchange Council, Grover Norquist and Citizen's United. #Austerity for the wheeler dealers, NOT the people.



We Are The 99% event

USuncutMN supports #occupyWallStreet, #occupyDC, the XL Pipeline resistance Yes, We, the People, are going to put democracy in all its forms up front and center. Open mic, diversity, nonviolent tactics .. Social media, economic democracy, repeal Citizen's United, single-payer healthcare, State Bank, Operation Feed the Homeless, anti-racism, homophobia, sexISM, war budgetting, lack of transparency, et al. Once we identify who we are and what we've lost, We can move forward.



Please sign and SHARE

Showing posts with label state budget. Show all posts
Showing posts with label state budget. Show all posts

Thursday, September 8, 2011

MN Schools Short on Cash

MN Schools Short on Cash

Reported by: Shane Delaney

ALBERT LEA, MN - Minnesota public schools are back in session and already most of them are struggling for money.

Earlier this year state lawmakers agreed to borrow money from Minnesota schools to help resolve the state's government shutdown. When the state borrowed the $2.2 billion they never set an exact date on when to pay it back.
     
That means for this academic year schools will be short money, and districts with already declining enrollments are looking for funding elsewhere. 

“The state is taking out a short term loan on the backs of the school districts,” said Michael Funk, superintendent of Albert Lea Public Schools.

Funk says his district, along with about 90 percent of public districts in the state, are taking out loans to cover the shortage.

“It amounts to about $20,000 in interest we have to pay throughout the year but that's because we have a pretty good fund balance we can dip into when the state isn't paying us money,” said Funk.

Funk says the funding gap comes at a time when a record setting number of districts are asking voters for an increase in operation levees this November.

“That is a direct result I think of not having real solid balanced and not having enough money from the state and this shift just compounds things,” said Funk.

The shift is even hurting districts with increasing enrollment.

“We're looking at probably late spring maybe early summer where we'll run out of cash to pay our bills and we'll have to go out and then borrow,” said David Krenz, superintendent of Austin Public Schools.

Krenz says his district has already secured a line of credit with a local bank. He says while an increasing enrollment means more state money, it also means more expenses.

“In our case we're continuing to grow so that's a good thing and being a larger district those students can fit in a little easier than if you were in a smaller district,” said Krenz.

And even though districts will eventually get the money paid back to them, some administrators say enough is enough.

“Is the education of our kids important or is playing this game of financial gimmickry what we want to do, and I wish we had real leaders at the capitol who would step up and say enough is enough,” said Funk.

When the state does repay they'll give the districts an additional $50 per student to help cover interest charges and other costs.
     
Funk says that should be enough for the Albert Lea district , but many in the state will have to absorb those interest charges



Tuesday, September 6, 2011

New School Year Brings Steep Cuts in State Funding for Schools — Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

New School Year Brings Steep Cuts in State Funding for Schools — Center on Budget and Policy Priorities

y Phil Oliff and Michael Leachman *
Updated September 2, 2011
As a new school year begins, elementary and high schools are receiving less state funding than last year in the great majority of states for which the necessary data are available, and are now funded at below pre-recession levels in most of these states. In at least 10 states, the shortfall compared with pre-recession levels exceeds 10 percent.

These are the results of an initial analysis of state budget documents in 24 states where the necessary data were available. These 24 states include about two-thirds of the nation's school-age population.

The analysis illustrates the continuing effect on state-funded services like education of the 2007-09 recession and slow recovery. The failure of the federal government to extend emergency fiscal aid to states and school districts and the failure of most states to enact needed revenue increases have exacerbated the cuts.
Specifically, 21 of the 24 states analyzed are providing less funding per student to local school districts in the new school year than they provided last year, and 17 of the 24 are providing less than they did before the recession, after adjusting for inflation. In 10 of these 24 states, per student funding is down by more than 10 percent from pre-recession levels. The three states with the deepest cuts — South Carolina, Arizona, and California — each have reduced per student funding to K-12 schools by more than 20 percent.

State-level K-12 spending cuts of this magnitude have serious consequences for the national economy, both by reducing purchasing power in the short run and by undermining the nation's economic competitiveness in the long run.
  • State-level K-12 cuts have large consequences for local school districts. Some 47 percent of total education expenditures in the U.S. come from state funds (the exact share varies by state). Cuts at the state level mean that local school districts have to either scale back the educational services they provide, raise more revenue to cover the gap, or both. In particular, the cuts may have particularly affected school districts with high concentrations of children in poverty. States typically distribute general education aid through formulas that target additional funds to school districts with large shares of low-income and other high-need children and/or with lower levels of taxable wealth. As a result, reductions in "formula" funding may result in particularly deep cuts in general state aid for poorer districts unless a state goes out of its way to protect them.
  •  
  • The cuts have extended the recession and slowed the recovery. Federal employment data show that school districts began reducing the overall number of teachers and other employees in August 2008, when the first round of budget-driven cuts began taking effect. The job losses have accelerated in the last year as the cuts have deepened; by July 2011, local school districts had cut 229,000 jobs nationally. These job losses have reduced the purchasing power of workers' families, in turn reducing overall consumption in the economy and thus extending the recession and slowing the pace of recovery.
  •  
  • A further negative economic consequence of the cuts is that they counteract and sometimes undermine education reform and more generally hinder the ability of school districts to deliver high-quality education, with long-term negative consequences for the nation's economic competitiveness. Many states have undertaken a number of important school reform initiatives to prepare children better for the future, but deep funding cuts counteract and sometimes undermine these reforms. At a time when the nation is trying to produce workers with the skills to master new technologies and adapt to the complexities of a global economy, large cuts in funding for basic education threaten to undermine a crucial building block for future prosperity.
  •  
  • Local school districts typically have little ability to replace lost state aid on their own. Given the sorry state of many of the nation's real estate markets, it is difficult for many school districts to raise more money from the property tax without raising rates — and rate increases are often politically very difficult. As a result, property tax and other local revenues were actually lower in the 12- month period ending in March 2011 than they were the previous year. However, at least some localities are considering and in some cases enacting property tax increases — a sign of the challenges that schools face.

States Are Cutting K-12 Education Formulas -- the Primary Funding Source for Schools

States typically distribute the largest share of their K-12 education funding through formulas that allocate money to school districts, with some share of the funds often targeted to districts that have higher levels of student needs (such as the concentration of students from low-income families) and less ability to raise funds from local revenue sources (primarily the local property tax).

To help states sustain their education systems during the recession, the federal government in recent years has provided emergency education aid to states. Under the State Fiscal Stabilization Fund established by the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) in 2009, states received $39 billion in federal aid targeted at K-12 and higher education funding. And through the Education Jobs Fund enacted by Congress in August 2010, states received an additional $10 billion in federal aid aimed at saving education jobs in schools, colleges, and universities.

States distributed most of the portion of this funding that went to K-12 school districts using the same formulas they normally use to distribute state education funding. Indeed, both ARRA and the Education Jobs Fund generally required states to distribute the funding in this way. [1]

Both ARRA and the Education Jobs Fund required states to maintain their K-12 education spending at certain levels, to assure that the federal aid was used as intended to help states sustain their education systems during the recession.[2]

ARRA also provided states with much more narrowly targeted forms of federal education aid. For example, ARRA provided $13 billion in targeted, additional aid for schools with a large share of low-income students (Title I schools), and $12 billion in aid targeted to help schools sustain education programs for disabled students. These funds are targeted to particular student populations and hence typically are not distributed through the funding formulas used to distribute general state aid.

Cuts to state formula funding often have very large consequences for local school districts. Some 47 percent of total education expenditures in the U.S. come from state funds (the exact share varies by state), and most of that is through the formulas. Cuts at the state level mean that local school districts have to either scale back the educational services they provide, raise more revenue to cover the gap, or both. In addition to the funding distributed through general aid formulas, states may or may not use separate allocations to fund items such as pupil transportation, contributions to school employee pension plans, and teacher training; some of those allocations also have been cut.

Moreover, since states typically distribute general education aid through formulas that target additional funds to school districts with large shares of low-income and other high-need children, reductions in "formula" funding may result in particularly deep cuts in general state aid for districts with high concentrations of low-income students. ARRA's additional federal aid for Title I schools and for schools serving disabled students helped soften the blow of the recession on the children in these schools. But with the federal aid now expiring, reductions in state formula funding may be pulling in the opposite direction by reducing funding disproportionately for districts with high concentrations of low-income students. (A number of states, such as New Jersey, are under court order to avoid cuts that hurt high-poverty districts, in which case middle-income districts may be hit harder.)

States Have Cut Education Formula Funding Deeply Since the Recession Began

As of late August 2011, there are 24 states for which data are readily available to compare state K-12 formula funding in the current school year with funding in earlier years.[3] (Other states publish education funding data in ways that make it more difficult to make historical comparisons, but it is reasonable to suspect that some or many of those other states also are cutting education funding.) These 24 states are home to two-thirds of the nation's schoolchildren. Overall, these states have been facing levels of fiscal stress that are roughly reflective of the nation as a whole, with average shortfalls closed as a share of their budgets for fiscal year 2012 very close to the national average.[4]

School Funding in 2011-12 Compared with 2007-08

Based on the data available in these 24 states, cuts to state education formula funding since the start of the recession have been widespread and very deep. This survey finds that, after adjusting for inflation:
  • Over two-thirds of the states — 17 of the 24 states surveyed — are providing less per-student funding for K-12 education in the current 2012 fiscal year than they did in fiscal year 2008, just before the start of the recession.

    Why a Few States Are Increasing Education Funding

    While most states are cutting spending on education, as the figures in this analysis show, a few states are boosting it. A few states such as Alaska and Montana have not suffered the same level of economic problems as other states, and thus they have enacted fewer budget cuts. In other states, the growth in spending reflects policymakers' prioritization of education funding in the face of fiscal stress. For example Maryland was already embarking on a program of increased state aid for local school districts when the recession hit, and chose largely to maintain that program. Massachusetts' and Iowa's spending growth reflects lawmakers' decisions to maintain education funding even as these states cut programs in other areas. Maryland and Massachusetts also raised significant amounts of revenue after the onset of the recession, which lessened the need to scale back education funding.
  • In well over one-third or 10 of the 24 states, per student funding is dropping more than 10 percent below pre-recession levels.
  •  
  • The three states with the deepest cuts — South Carolina, Arizona, and California — each are reducing per student funding by more than 20 percent from pre-recession levels.

School Funding in 2011-12 Compared with 2010-11

Some of the deepest reductions to K-12 formula funding since the onset of the recession have occurred in the past year, as federal aid intended to sustain state education spending has expired, rainy day funds have been exhausted, and states have resisted raising additional taxes to offset the need for cuts. After adjusting for inflation between last year (fiscal year 2011) and the current 2012 fiscal year:
  • Almost all states for which data are available — 21 of the 24 states — have cut per student education funding.
  • Seventeen of the 24 states have cut per student funding by more than two percent.
  • Eleven of the 24 states have cut per student funding by more than five percent.
  • Of the states surveyed, the three states that reduced per student funding the most since last year are Illinois, Texas, and Wisconsin. Illinois cut per student spending by 13 percent, while Ohio and Texas imposed cuts of about 10 percent.
These cuts are occurring at a time when schools face demands from parents, employers and civic leaders to bring more and more students to higher levels of academic proficiency, in large part because workers will increasingly need higher levels of educational attainment to thrive in the workforce.

Why This Happened

It is not just K-12 education that is being cut. States are cutting funding for higher education, for health care, for human services, and a range of other areas of spending.[5] States have enacted these cuts primarily because the recession caused state revenue to decline sharply as costs increased. In addition, the federal government has not offered additional emergency fiscal aid and few states raised new revenue this year.

  • Revenues remain depressed. With unemployment still high and housing values still depressed, people have both less income and purchasing power. As a result, income and sales tax revenue — the main sources of revenue states use to fund education and other services — is still low. Of the 44 states that have released the necessary data, 36 project that they will have less state revenue in 2012 (after adjusting for inflation) than they did in fiscal year 2008, when the recession began. These states on average balanced their budgets based on fiscal year 2012 revenue projections that were seven percent lower than before the recession, after adjusting for inflation.[6] While state revenues are starting to improve across the country, the rate of growth is generally slow.
  •  
  • Costs are rising. The cost of meeting people's needs has increased since the recession began, due both to demographic changes and to the recession. In the upcoming 2011-12 school year, the U.S. Department of Education projects that there will be about 260,000 more K-12 students and another 1.5 million more public college and university students than in 2007-08, for example.[7] Some 5.6 million more people are projected to be eligible for subsidized health insurance through Medicaid in 2012 than were enrolled in 2008, as employers have cancelled their coverage and people have lost jobs and wages.[8]
  •  
  • Emergency federal aid is mostly depleted. States used emergency fiscal relief from the federal government (including both education aid and other forms of state fiscal relief) to cover about one-third of their budget shortfalls through the 2011 fiscal year, which ended on June 30 in most states. Only about $6.7 billion in fiscal relief remains for the current 2012 fiscal year, a year in which states faced shortfalls totaling at least $103 billion. That is, the remaining fiscal relief covers less than seven percent of state budget shortfalls for the fiscal year that just began.

    Nearly all the aid remaining is explicitly targeted to education, but it is mostly depleted. For the current 2012 fiscal year only about $2 billion of the $39 billion in education aid under ARRA's State Fiscal Stabilization Fund remains, and only about $4 billion of the $10 billion from the Education Jobs Fund remains. In total, then, only about $6 billion or roughly 13 percent of the federal aid targeted explicitly to supporting general state education funding remains.[9] Since this education aid is intended to help states sustain both their K-12 systems and their higher education institutions, not all of the remaining education funds will go to K-12 schools.

    Not only is emergency federal aid largely depleted, federal policymakers are making state budget problems worse by deeply cutting the amount of ongoing federal funding to states. The recent debt limit deal likely will lead to well over half a trillion dollars in cuts in "non-security discretionary" funding over the next decade. Fully one-third of this category of federal spending flows through state governments in the form of funding for education, health care, human services, law enforcement, infrastructure, and other services that states and localities administer. Large cuts in federal funding to states would force states to make still-deeper cuts in their budgets. The cuts to state aid could start as soon as federal fiscal year 2012, which begins October 1, 2011.

    Congress could spare aid to states while taking all the required savings from purely federal areas of spending, like the FBI and the National Institutes for Health. But that's extremely unlikely, since the resulting cuts in those areas would be prohibitively large.

  • In addition, if the committee charged with recommending further deficit-reduction measures reaches agreement, the additional cuts likely will further reduce federal funding for states. If the committee fails to reach agreement, the automatic, across-the-board cuts that will occur will mean even deeper cuts to non-security discretionary funding.
  •  
  • Few states raised new revenue this year. While more than 30 states raised revenue to help close their budget shortfalls earlier in the recession, this year few states raised new revenue; most depended entirely on spending cuts.

The Cuts Have Serious Consequences

States' large cuts in spending on education have serious consequences for the economy, both in the short and long term. They also counteract and sometimes undermine important state education reform initiatives, and put upward pressure on local property taxes.

Damage to the Economy, Now and in the Future

State education budget cuts have deepened the recession and slowed the pace of economic recovery by reducing overall economic activity. The spending cuts have forced school districts to lay off teachers and other employees, reduce pay for the education workers who remain, and cancel contracts with suppliers and other businesses. All of these steps remove demand from the economy.
Local school districts already have eliminated 293,000 jobs nationally since August 2008, federal data show. In addition, education spending cuts have cost an unknown but probably very large number of additional jobs in the private sector as school districts cancel or scale back private-sector purchases and contracts (for instance, purchasing fewer textbooks). These job losses shrink the purchasing power of workers' families, which in turn affects local businesses and slows recovery. While it is not possible to calculate directly the additional loss of jobs resulting from state education budget cuts, it appears very likely that school districts will continue to cut jobs and also to cut funding for some private-sector jobs, negating some of the job growth that otherwise would occur in the economy as a whole.

The just-ended school year was the worst yet for school district layoffs, with a net reduction in local education employment (mostly K-12) totaling 194,000 nationally — more than triple the total in the previous year (Figure 5). (Normally, local education employment grows each year in large part to keep pace with an expanding student population.) And the coming year may not be any better. States just closed budget shortfalls totaling over $100 billion for the current 2012 fiscal year, which started on July 1 in most states. In most states, the shortfalls were closed almost entirely with spending cuts, including deep cuts in funding for elementary and high schools.[10]

Moreover, in the long term the savings from today's cuts may cost states much more in diminished economic growth. To prosper, businesses require a well-educated workforce. The deep education spending cuts states have enacted will weaken that workforce in the future by diminishing the quality of elementary and high schools. At a time when the nation is trying to produce workers with the skills to master new technologies and adapt to the complexities of a global economy, large cuts in funding for basic education undermine a crucial building block for future prosperity.

Undermining Education Reform

State education cuts are counteracting and sometimes undermining reform initiatives that many states are undertaking with the federal government's encouragement, such as supporting professional development to improve teacher quality, improving interventions for young children to heighten school readiness, and turning around the lowest-achieving schools, to name just a few. As U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan has said, "It is very difficult to improve the quality of education while losing teachers, raising class size, and eliminating after school and summer school programs." [11]

Some education reforms have moved forward despite reductions in state education funding, in part because ARRA required states to agree to certain reforms before they could receive the aid provided through the State Fiscal Stabilization Fund,[12] and because ARRA offered funds to help states innovate through the competitive "Race to the Top" program.

But deep cuts in state spending on education counteract and sometimes undermine reform initiatives both by limiting the funds generally available to improve schools, and by cutting specific reform initiatives. For example:
  • Research suggests that teacher quality is the most important school-based determinant of student success, and it is a major emphasis of the "Race to the Top" program. [13] For that reason recruiting, developing, and retaining high-quality teachers is widely thought to be critical to improving student achievement. But these tasks are much more difficult when school districts are cutting their budgets. Since teacher salaries make up a large share of public education expenditures, funding cuts inevitably restrict districts' ability to expand teaching staffs and supplement wages. Indeed, numerous school districts have reduced teacher wages through furloughs since the start of the recession and have resorted to hiring freezes. Moreover, Washington state as well as a number of local school districts have cut funding for professional development, which makes it more difficult to develop teachers' skills.
  •  
  • There is evidence to suggest that smaller class sizes can boost achievement, especially in the early grades. Yet small class sizes are difficult to sustain when schools are cutting teaching positions while enrollments increase. [14] Indeed, a survey of school administrators found that 57 percent of respondents increased class sizes for the 2010-11 school year, and 65 percent anticipate doing so for the 2011-12 school year. [15]
  •  
  • Many education policy experts believe that more student learning time can improve achievement.[16] In a number of states and school districts, however, budget cuts are making it more difficult to extend instructional opportunities. For example, funding cuts in Georgia will mean shortening the pre-kindergarten school year from 180 to 160 days for 86,000 four-year-olds. New Jersey's funding cut for afterschool programs will limit structured learning time, and in a 2009 survey of California parents, 41 percent of respondents reported that their child's school was cutting summer programs.[17]

    Moreover, reductions in the education workforce make it less likely that schools will have adequate personnel to teach and supervise students for additional periods of time or to give additional attention to students who are having difficulty learning, despite state and federal goals to lessen disparities among achievement levels. Cuts that limit student learning time are likely to intensify in the coming year. The school administrators' survey mentioned above found that 17 percent of respondents were considering shortening the school week to four days for the 2011-12 school year and 40 percent were considering eliminating summer school programs.[18]
  •  
  • As of the 2009-10 school year, 40 states provided pre-kindergarten or pre-school programs, serving 1.3 million children.[19] A number of studies conclude that such programs can improve cognitive skills, especially for disadvantaged children.[20] Since the start of the recession, however, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Massachusetts, North Carolina, Texas and other states have cut funding from early education programs to help close their budget shortfalls. This year, Texas eliminated state grants for pre-K expansion programs that serve around 100,000 mostly at-risk children, or more than 40 percent of the state's pre-kindergarten students.

Impact on Property Taxes and Other Local Revenues

State budget cuts are also placing upward pressure on property taxes and other local revenues, because increasing these revenues is one of the few ways school districts can compensate for the loss of state funding.
Given the precipitous decline in property values since the start of the recession and in many places the political and/or legal difficulty of raising property taxes, raising significant additional revenue through the property tax will likely be very difficult for school districts in the coming years. Indeed, property tax collections were lower in the 12-month period ending in March 2011 than in the previous 12 months. [21]

Despite the obstacles to raising local revenues, however, there are at least a few districts that are considering, or implementing property tax increases. For example, the Granite School District and the Davis School District, two of the three largest school districts in Utah, recently raised property tax rates by six percent and nine percent respectively to compensate for cuts in state funding and growing enrollments. [22] The city of Chicago is considering raising property taxes to the maximum allowed by law to fund city schools, in part in response to cuts in state education funding.[23] The Eagle County School District in Colorado will ask voters to approve a $6 million increase in property taxes, in part to make up for declines in state aid, this coming November.[24]

Beyond increasing local revenues, school districts' options for preserving education services are very limited. Some localities could divert funds from other local services to shore up school district budgets. But this would sustain education spending at the expense of services like police and fire protection.

End Notes:
[*] Kwame Boadi, Dylan Grundman, Andrew Hartsig, Christine Mai, and Katherine Sydor conducted much of the research for this report.
[1] ARRA's State Fiscal Stabilization Fund required governors to use the funds "to allow existing State formulae increases to support elementary and secondary education . . . to be implemented and allow funding for phasing in State equity and adequacy adjustments. . . ." The Education Jobs Fund required states to distribute the funds through either their primary funding formula or based on each district's share of Title I funds.
[2] ARRA required states to maintain their spending in fiscal years 2009, 2010, and 2011 at a minimum of FY2006 levels, unless they received a waiver from the Secretary of Education. The Education Jobs Fund required states to maintain their spending in FY2011 at FY2009 levels and also at the same share of total revenues as in FY2010. Under certain circumstances, states alternatively could maintain their spending in FY2011 at FY2006 level and also at the same share of total revenues as in FY2006. There was a separate "maintenance of effort" requirement for Texas.
[3] The education funding totals presented in this paper correspond to the funding distributed through states' major education funding formulas, including the federal funds distributed through these formulas -- ARRA's State Fiscal Stabilization Fund and the Education Jobs Fund. In general the funding totals do not include any of the more narrowly targeted forms of federal education aid in ARRA such as Title I funding. However, in a number of cases it was impossible to isolate funding from these sources; hence, in these cases the more targeted forms of federal aid may be included in the totals as well. The numbers do not include any local property tax revenue or any other source of local funding. Please also note the following state specific details: California's numbers reflect General Fund Proposition 98 spending for K-12 education and exclude child care funding which was removed from Proposition 98 spending in FY2012. Maryland's numbers include funding for the state's foundation program as well as funding for compensatory education, aid for local employee fringe benefits, formula programs for specific populations, and limited English proficiency programs. Mississippi's FY2012 numbers exclude $50 million appropriated for debt payments. New York's numbers reflect school districts' fiscal years (which end June 30), rather than the state's fiscal year (which ends March 31 st). Ohio numbers include line items for state and stimulus funded foundation funding, as well as school district property tax replacement funds that are also considered to be part of the school funding formula. South Carolina's numbers do not include federal aid. Wisconsin's numbers include high poverty aid.
[4] States in this survey faced FY12 budget shortfalls that were 15 percent of their collective budgets. States nationwide faced shortfalls that were 14.8 percent of their collective budgets.
[5] Erica Williams, Michael Leachman, and Nicholas Johnson, State Budget Cuts in the New Fiscal Year Are Unnecessarily Harmful, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, updated July 28, 2011, available at http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=3550.
[6] This figure refers to revenues projected to be available for states' operating budgets — typically referred to as general fund revenues. While there is some variation by state, general fund revenues are typically revenues collected by the state, such as income and sales taxes. As with the spending figures in this paper, there are a couple of exceptions. In Connecticut and Massachusetts, operating revenues include federal funds and non-general state revenue. For the sake of comparison with other states in this paper, we have netted out federal funds from Massachusetts's revenue figures and all identifiable federal funds from Connecticut's revenue figures. Also, to be consistent with previous years, California's general fund revenue total for FY2012 includes $5.1 billion associated with the realignment of certain services to local governments.
[7] U.S. Department of Education, Condition of Education 2011, tables A-2-1, A-8-1, and A-9-1.
[8] CBPP calculations based on data from the Congressional Budget Office and Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
[9] There is also about another $4 billion left from ARRA's additional federal aid for Title I schools and about $2 billion left for schools educating students with disabilities. That's about one-fourth of the total ARRA funds allocated for these two purposes. These funds are helping schools educate low-income and disabled students more effectively than they would otherwise, and to some extent in certain schools they are counteracting the cuts in state formula funding.
[10] Erica Williams, Michael Leachman, and Nicholas Johnson, State Budget Cuts in the New Fiscal Year Are Unnecessarily Harmful, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, updated July 28, 2011, available at http://www.cbpp.org/cms/index.cfm?fa=view&id=3550.
[11] Education Secretary Arne Duncan's Testimony Before the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies Regarding the FY 2011 Education Budget — April 14, 2010, http://www.ed.gov/news/speeches/secretary-arne-duncans-testimony-senate-appropriations-subcommittee .
[12] To receive ARRA's State Fiscal Stabilization Fund money, states had to assure that they would "take actions to: (a) increase teacher effectiveness and address inequities in the distribution of highly qualified teachers; (b) establish and use pre-K-through-college and career data systems to track progress and foster continuous improvement; (c) make progress toward rigorous college- and career-ready standards and high-quality assessments; and (d) support targeted, intensive support and effective interventions to turn around schools identified for corrective action and restructuring." (Language from U.S. Department of Education fact sheet about the State Fiscal Stabilization Fund, available at http://www2.ed.gov/policy/gen/leg/recovery/factsheet/stabilization-fund.html .)
[13] See for example, "Empowering Effective Teachers: Readiness for Reform", Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation Research Brief, February 2010 http://www.gatesfoundation.org/united-states/Documents/empowering-effective-teachers-readiness-for-reform.pdf.
[14] See Education Commission of the States, State Notes, "State Policies Focusing on Class Size Reduction," updated by Kyle Zinth, September 2009.
[15] Noelle M. Ellerson, American Association of School Administrators, Surviving A Thousand Cuts: America's Public Schools and the Recession, December 2010, p. 4.
[16] See for example, Center for American Progress, "Expanded Learning Time By the Numbers," April 22, 2010 at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2010/04/elt_numbers.html .
[17] California PTA, "State PTA Survey: Budget Cuts Hurting Schools and Children," http://archive.constantcontact.com/fs089/1102168765122/archive/1102578911081.html .
[18] Noelle M. Ellerson, American Association of School Administrators, Surviving A Thousand Cuts: America's Public Schools and the Recession, December 2010, p. 4.
[19] Steven Barnett, et. al., The State of Preschool 2010, National Institute for Early Education Research, available at http://nieer.org/yearbook/.
[20] Ibid. See also Julia Isaacs, "State Research Brief #1: State Pre-Kindergarten," Impacts of Early Childhood Programs, September 2008, http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/2008/09_early_programs_isaacs/09_early_programs_brief1.pdf .
[21] See Lucy Dadayan, "Robust Revenue Gains Continue in First Quarter and Early Second Quarter," The Nelson A. Rockefeller Institute of Government, July 2011.
[22] See Rosemary Winters, "Granite School District OK's $5 Million Tax Boost," The Salt Lake Tribune, August 2, 2011, and "Davis School Board Approves 9.3 Percent Property Tax Increase," Deseret News, August 17, 2011.
[23] See for example, John Byrne, "Emanuel Defends Property Tax Increase for Chicago Schools," Chicago Tribune, August 9, 2011.
[24] See Randy Wyrick "Eagle County Schools to ask for $6M More," Vail Daily, August 25, 2011, http://www.vaildaily.com/article/20110824/NEWS/110829884/1078&ParentProfile=1062 .

Sunday, August 7, 2011

a peek at the rift between the MNGOP grassroots and legislative-lobbyist elites

Get the popcorn: a peek at the rift between the MNGOP grassroots and legislative-lobbyist elites

36B Progressive friends wrapped themselves in their purple beach towels yesterday and began texting Bluestem shortly thereafter, once Charley Shaw's Friday afternoon news feature in PIM, Many in GOP base angry at Legislature, floated up on their tablets.
All of the messages? Some variation on "Get the popcorn." This is a show to watch.
Why do the heathens--or whatever--rage at their leadership? Shaw sets up the case:
. . .But in the wake of the 2011 legislative session, the loudest cries of protest are coming from the Republican Party activist base, which is angry about the performance of their elected brethren who were installed in the majorities last January. . .
Some Republican activists are frustrated that the 2010 electoral victories didn’t translate into a fuller realization of the conservative agenda. Their view of the borrowing contained in the final budget ranges from dispirited to enraged, and many are also extremely critical of the way House Speaker Kurt Zellers and Senate Majority Leader Amy Koch went about setting their initial budget of roughly $34 billion.
Three GOP House committee chairs draw particular fire: Abeler, Gottwalt and Garofalo. Consider the source of their scorn for the final man in that series:
Garofalo, the chairman of the House Education Finance Committee, ran afoul of conservatives with an education quality rating system called Parent Aware. Conservatives decried the program for expanding the state’s education bureaucracy.
Bluestem's curiosity was piqued, and so I scurried to the House website, only to find it under maintenance until this afternoon. In the meantime, a bit of reading to discover the deets of the grassroots' irritation.
It wasn't poison ivy, but an alert easily found at Education Liberty Watch, in the March 28 Urgent Update on Minnesota Education Spending Bills.
It's not just the bureaucracy. It's the freedom and liberty--and the competition between private preschools and home daycares. Education Liberty Freedom EdWatch President Karen Effrem, "the only one to her knowledge of the dozens of people who testified about these bills that asked for cuts of any kind," wrote to those who insist on Education for a FREE nation:
Worse yet, after passing the House education spending bill out of the Education Finance Committee, Chairman Pat Gorafalo (R.-Farmington) added $26 million more spending to the bill in the Ways and Means Committee, including $4 million in more spending to early childhood for these scholarships.  (The spreadsheet is available here).
Rep. Garofalo and Rep. Jim  Abler (R-Anoka) were able to come to some understanding about the turf battles related to education vs. child care and policy issues of the quality rating system. They were aided by the strong work and advice of Rep. Mary Franson (R-Alexandria), a child care provider who understands the dangers of this quality rating system on private home providers.  The chairmen are both to be strongly commended for agreeing to not impose the mandates/bureaucratic burden of this “voluntary” system on private family child care providers. Rep. Garofalo should also be thanked strongly for the part of the amendment prohibiting state interference in curriculum.
In exchange for that however, Rep. Garofalo kept the statewide ramp-up of Parent Aware in his bill using the bureaucratic, central economy promoting governor’s economic development regions. The amendment also redefines preschools as both public and private for the purposes of the bill.  This means that the government controlled QRS system is imposed on private preschools instead of just public school readiness or Head Start programs as we had been led to believe was the case  This is the equivalent of giving the commissioner of education jurisdiction over private K-12 schools that accept scholarships for poor children.  This is completely unacceptable!! [emphasis in the original]
Oh noes! So what fiends dreamt up the notion of scholarships for low-income parents to send their kids to private pre-schools?
The clue came when finally, the Legislature's website was restored, along with its massive store of hundreds and hundreds of bills, including the omnibus education bill, HF 934.1 that so gave Dr. Effrem the fantods. The Parent Aware program does seem pretty complex, but I was struck by something else.
Those scholarships for low-income folks to private preschools.  Where had I seen that idea beforeHeck, reading  Sec. 4. [119C.04] EARLY CHILDHOOD EDUCATION SCHOLARSHIPS recalled the American Legislative Exchange Council's Smart Start Scholarship Program model bill, tweaked for the Gopher State.
Effrem and home daycare providers (many of whom are mothers who like to think of themselves as  stay at home moms and businesswomen at the same time) share an objection:
Even worse, the House increases early childhood spending by incentivizing poor families to put their children in preschool instead of educating them at home with early childhood scholarships . . .
Putting aside fears of leaving the education of small children to those who employ such flagrantly misplaced modifiers, this statement exposes a cultural and economic fault line on the right.
Shouldn't we avoid spending money on early childhood education--despite the benefits of that investment, sung by the gnomes of Zurich masquerading as economists at the local branch of the evil Federal Reserve bank--and thereby tighten control of the kiddies as well our belts? And allow the fiction to flourish among cultural conservatives that families don't need schools or dual-incomes (even if one parent performs work in the home in addition to rearing one's own children)? Home schooling, baby.
And what good would that public investment in early childhood education be unless it can be immediately monetized?
Shouldn't an opportunity for making money be shifted with the public dime to private preschools with more-or-less standard curriculum? Let poor families mimic the Lifestyles of the Rich and Famous who compete for places in exclusive pre-schools. We've all seen that on television. Why shouldn't the private preschool operator get a piece of those dreams, rather than those dirty hippies down at the Head Start? And whet the public appetite for public funds for private scholarships and vouchers, as well as charter schools?
It's a horrible dilemma for the freedom-loving conservative who is fighting for liberty and hating on the "government schools." Homeschool? Or handing a chunk of the public exchequer to job creators at private schools?
While ALEC supports home-schooling--especially if home schooling parents or taxpayers get a chance to buy some online education via one set of its corporate and non-profit funders--another set of think tanks and corporations looks to make money by dismantling public schools simply by getting kids into privately owned bricks and mortar.  Far more of the education model bills have to do with those private schools than homeschooling.
And so you have it, dear readers, buried with the first engrossment of the K12 Education Omnibus budget bill: the battle royal within the contemporary Republican party.  Cultural conservatives who dominate the Tea Party movement (in Minnesota, at least) or "job-creating" corporatists looking to enhance profit centers via out-sourcing the function of the public schools?
Ah, yes. Pop some corn.
Photo: Pat Garofalo, hero of the revolution or grassroots Benedict Arnold? It's Sue Jeffers' call.

Monday, August 1, 2011

Local governments look to hedge LGA uncertainty by Lawrence Schumacher

Mixed signals from St. Paul make local budgeting difficult Hutchinson Mayor Steve Cook watched as the Legislature finished its work in a mid-July special session. Like many other local government officials, he was not impressed. “When the state is struggling, that creates a lot of uncertainty about what you’re going to be able to plan for and ...


Okay, ya need to pa to g4t on PIM.  i JUST WANNA SHOW YA - The lGA ARE THING THAT WILL BANKRUPT MInnesota now, just as this happened in Michigan .. 

Saturday, July 30, 2011

State budget ‘deal’ not a deal for people with disabilities

http://www.leadershipandcommunity.com/2011/07/28/state-budget-%E2%80%98deal%E2%80%99-not-a-deal-for-people-with-disabilities/


The following analysis of the State of Minnesota budget compromise was originally produced by Courage Center’s Public Affairs and Research Department. It gives a good summary of how the state budget deal impacts people with disabilities in general, and Courage Center clients in particular. This edited version is posted with permission:
What was in the final deal?
The approved state budget spends more in the next two years than the state did in the last two years, but significantly less than the projected growth of programs. That’s why both sides in this budget fight could claim victory: spending is growing, but there are big cuts in what would have been spent had changes not been made. The approved Health and Human Services budget for the biennium is $11.3 billion. This is a billion dollars more than the last biennium we just finished (at $10.2 billion), but also a billion less than DHS had projected would have been needed to provide the same level of services to a growing population. In this respect, people with disabilities and the organizations that serve them, including Courage Center, were hit hard.
So if the final budget agreement spends more, where did the revenue come from?
The added spending over the last biennium was funded solely through borrowed funds, not permanent increases in the revenues coming in to the state budget. Shifting school payments and borrowing money from future tobacco bonds brought in an extra $1.4 billion to prevent deeper spending reductions.
Does this framework build a foundation for future stability?
Unfortunately, the fundamental cost drivers – primarily health spending – were not addressed head on. Unless the state and national economic outlook brightens beyond the expectations of most experts, this deficit scenario will repeat itself in 18-24 months.  The core issue – not enough funding for service levels either needed or provided – remains.
What are the immediate impacts of the budget agreement for Courage Center?
The biggest impacts affect our payments for people on Medical Assistance (MA):
– For physician services and therapies, rates will drop 3%;
– For community-based services like Independent Living Skills and Behavior Services, payments will shrink by 1.5%;
– Daily per diem payments for inpatient care in our Transitional Rehabilitation Program (TRP) are not cut, but other payments made to TRP will decline;
– Payments for any services provided to complex clients who have Medicare and MA coverage will drop significantly;
– While most rehab services (PT, OT, speech) were preserved, specialized maintenance therapy for adults was eliminated;
– Additional prior authorization requirements will be required before most rehab therapies can begin;
– Despite being passed by the state House and Senate earlier this year, a change sought by Courage Center to give us more flexibility to manage our MA population was not included in the final deal.
Are reform and policy changes addressed in this deal?
Both the Governor and legislature want significant health reform, and will be seeking permission from the federal government to adjust the way health care works in Minnesota. The good news is that Courage Center is very much on the forefront with our Primary Care Clinic (a health care home), supported by our strong measurement and data efforts perfectly positioned to capitalize on the reforms below:
– Assessing the needs of people with disabilities more often to better target (and limit) services;
– Pay specialists and hospitals less and primary care providers more;
– Focus on time-limited, low-cost services to avoid more expensive long-term care services; and
– Pay more to providers who achieve better health for their clients, and pay less to those who don’t.
What other changes will impact the disability community?
A big change will see people with disabilities automatically enrolled in managed care plans unless they “opt out.” This is a very big policy change. Other cuts that will affect Courage Center clients include:
– Co-payments for drugs and medical services will be higher;
– Less access to personal care attendant (PCA) services for those with mental health conditions.
What will the future bring?
The end of the longest shutdown in state history and the conclusion to the 2011 legislative session brings some relief, and will mean many things return to business as usual. However, we have difficult work ahead to provide our clients with the services they need while balancing our own organization’s budget in a continuously challenging economic environment.

Friday, July 29, 2011

Calculating the Bonding Bill’s Jobs Impact

By Tyler Hanson, Undergraduate Research Fellow
Minnesota’s budget deal has been criticized for irresponsible borrowing, namely from tobacco funds and schoolchildren. It does, however, contain an example of smart borrowing: a $500 million bonding bill that will invest in our future and put Minnesotans back to work in the short term.
The bonding bill will spend $500 million on construction projects across the state, including a new physics and nanotechnology building at the University of Minnesota, a new science and engineering building at St. Cloud State University, new wastewater treatment facilities, and levees for flood mitigation. In addition, the bill sets aside funds for restoring and renovating aging public buildings all over the state.
The dire condition of Minnesota’s construction industry makes these projects even more important. Construction employment began declining after the housing bubble peaked in late 2005 and took a nosedive when the downturn began in late 2007. Even after the recession officially ended in mid 2009, construction employment had continued to fall since overall job growth has remained sluggish. Seasonally adjusted, industry employment has dropped by over 50,000 since the peak of the housing bubble. Furthermore, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, Minnesota construction unemployment in 2009 was a whopping 17.5%, compared to overall unemployment of 7.4% that year.
Fortunately, the bonding bill provides a much needed shot in the arm for construction employment. In the short term, the bonding bill will fund infrastructure projects that will create thousands of jobs directly in the construction sector.
In 2009, according to data from the BLS and the Bureau of Economic Analysis, construction in Minnesota generated about $10.6 billion in gross state product and employed over 93 thousand workers. Per worker, gross state construction product came in at around $113 thousand—meaning that an additional $113 thousand in gross product roughly corresponds to one additional job.
The bonding bill pumps $500 million into the construction sector: that corresponds to about 4,400 jobs. Labor costs don't account for the full $113 thousand, though. Gross construction compensation comprised about 48% of gross construction product in 2009, or about $54.8 thousand per worker. In total, the bonding bill will provide about $241 million in compensation (wages, health care and other benefits) for construction sector employees.
The other 52% of the bonding bill will be spent on non-labor inputs and other construction costs, having a stimulating effect on the non-construction economy. Eventually, this $259 million will make its way into the pockets of workers in non-construction sectors as they are benefitted by the increased demand for inputs. The average non-construction worker received about $45.4 thousand in total 2009 compensation. $259 million in non-labor construction spending, then, will eventually create about 5,700 non-construction jobs.
The bonding bill will also have a multiplier effect on Minnesota’s economy. As more workers become employed due to increased construction spending or see wage growth, they will spend those additional wages on goods and services, further stimulating the economy. In their 2010 study of the recent federal stimulus, economists Alan Blinder and Mark Zandi calculated a multiplier of 1.57 for infrastructure spending—that is, for every dollar spent by the government on infrastructure projects, $1.57 is contributed to the aggregate economy. The $500 million bonding bill, then, would have a gross impact of $785 million on Minnesota’s economy: $500 million directly, and $285 million indirectly through stimulated consumer spending.
That additional $285 million will also eventually be spent in other places, meaning even more job creation. In 2009, wages averaged $45.8 thousand across all sectors, meaning that a $285 million increase in gross state product corresponds to over 6,200 jobs.
Chalk it all up and the bonding bill could provide over 16,000 jobs for Minnesota over the next few years. The actual number will likely be fewer, as an increase in gross state product will also be reflected in wage growth. Either way, the bonding bill will put thousands of Minnesotans back to work and put more money in the pockets of thousands more.
Some would argue, though, that stimulus policies only create a short term “sugar-high” and fail to address long-term economic issues while piling debt onto the future. Eventually, the bill's short-term employment benefits will disappear and leave the government with unmanageable debt and an unimproved economic outlook. This, however, is far from the case.
First, it will be well within the state’s means to manage the bonding bill’s debt service. According to February’s budget forecast, Minnesota’s general debt is around $6 billion and service on that debt is projected to total about $475 million. This compares favorably with other states: a 2008 Minnesota Taxpayer’s Association report ranked Minnesota 34th in the nation for interest on general debt per $1,000 of income. Dayton's original $1 billion bonding proposal would have added $18 million to the state's biennial debt service, which was within our ability to handle. The $500 million bill, then, would only add about $9 million, keeping interest payments at a healthy level.
Unfortunately, persistent deficits over the past decade have caused Minnesota’s credit ratings to suffer. Moody’s downgraded the state’s top rating in 2003 and Fitch followed suit this year, causing interest rates on municipal bonds to increase. Fortunately, Minnesota has retained its top rating from Standard & Poor’s and interest rates remain low and suitable for investment.
Second, the bonding bill is more than just a stimulus. It makes wise investments in infrastructure and education that will bring returns long into the future. Projects like new buildings at state colleges and universities, improved public infrastructure, and renovations to crumbling public buildings will be vital to Minnesota’s future. The bonding bill is smart policy because it provides not only short-term stimulus, but also long-term investment.
After a heated budget debate that polarized the state, a bonding bill is exactly the kind of forward-thinking policy that Minnesota needs. Conservative lawmakers have consistently labeled tax increases on the wealthy as “job-killers,” but the real job-killer is a failure to adequately invest in public infrastructure.
For $500 million dollars, Minnesota will get a lot of value: thousands of jobs in construction and beyond, hundreds of millions of dollars in the Minnesota economy, and valuable investments in infrastructure and education. It’s a welcome boost to the state, one that we’re going to need in light of the massive cuts in this year’s budget.