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Showing posts with label #UKuncut. Show all posts
Showing posts with label #UKuncut. Show all posts

Monday, August 22, 2011

Fortnum 145: UK Uncut court update

A view from the gallery

August 21, 2011
Yesterday I went to Westminster magistrates court to watch the case management hearing for 13 protesters. One of them is someone close to me. They were among the 145 people originally arrested outside Fortnum & Mason in March, and they’ve become such a whittled down group because a first set of defendants have already had their hearing with a trial set for November, while the bulk of those who were arrested have had their cases dropped. The campaign to drop all the cases continues, but meanwhile here we are, in the battered reception area of the second floor of the uninspired court building: the water dispenser empty, a cashpoint saying “FINES PAYMENT” ready to swallow guilty cards, tiles missing from the ceiling.
Everyone was gathered by the door of Court 5, about to go into the courtroom, when another trial gazumped this one at the last moment and gave us another half hour to spend outside: the defendants with their solicitors in a closed room, the partners and parents (there were only a handful) banked on metal seats in the waiting area.

Soon, the clerks gathered everyone up again and the defendants went in. They had to sit scattered across different areas of the courtroom like playing pieces in a complicated boardgame. Five were behind a slatted glass screen, four on a bench at the back, one alone in a raised wooden box towards the front, another couple adrift on benches. One had entered his plea earlier that day so wasn’t there.

The judge, DJ Snow (I still can’t get over that name), entered: a lean man, with dark grey hair, glasses, and expressive eyebrows and mouth that were put to good use throughout the afternoon, as he grimaced, scowled and smiled in reaction to whatever was presented to him by the three solicitors on the central bench: Mike Schwarz of the firm Bindmans, and Raj Chada of Hodge Jones & Allen, each representing different defendants, and Robert Short of the CPS.

First the prosecution were asked to explain to the judge why they have dropped 119 cases, but are still prosecuting these. The CPS man spoke of “possession and use of materials enhancing the aggravation of the offence”. What materials were these, in plain English? “Banners, cordon tape, leaflets and signs,” he explained, seeming particularly concerned about leaflets “in bundles or piles”. He said that such items suggested their owners “came to the event with some idea or intention towards promoting their cause.”
The judge’s eyebrows and mouth drew an exasperated face, and he pointed out that it isn’t criminal to have leaflets in favour of a cause. “It’s not in itself criminal,” admitted the CPS. “It’s a measure of the filter the Crown have used to sift the defendants. They had the means to play a more significant role on the day.” Perhaps the leaflets were used to make origami swans.

The defence solicitors talked next about letters they’ve sent to Alison Saunders (the head of the CPS in London) to drop all the charges. Some of these letters were sent many months ago and are still waiting for a response. Mike Schwarz said, “I encourage the court to encourage the crown to make a quick decision on this.” A quick decision is needed because, if the CPS decide to drop the cases, they really need to do it before yet more court time and money is spent. “The court has a role to ensure resources are used effectively,” said Mike. This role had already been played a few minutes earlier, when the pen and paper Mike offered for the defendants to write their mobile phone numbers on for the court’s records was declined by the judge in favour of the court clerk’s stationery (“I don’t want to use up your resources,” he said).

For now, the judge said he couldn’t get involved much in Saunders’ decision-making process. Raj had the last word: “It would be helpful to have a substantive response. As of last week we did not.”

There was now a moment of rich farce. The CPS had not come prepared with that most basic of prosecution tools: a charge. DJ Snow asked Robert Short what the charge against the defendants was. The next step would be for them to plead guilty or not guilty to it. “Charges will be finalised in the trial,” said Short. “At present there are variants of the charge for different defendants, so charges will be changed slightly for consistency so they all read the same.” “Do you have the model charge?” asked DJ Snow. “No,” said Robert Short. “Can’t you get it?” asked DJ Snow. “Not without physically going over to the Westminster office,” was the reply. A wave of quiet laughter passed through most of those not directly involved. “Well, can’t you get someone to email or fax it?” asked DJ Snow. Modern technology, though, did not seem to have spread to the prosecution.

They still haven’t bought Alison Saunders any stamps. “No,” said the CPS, mumbling a reason why email could not be used to fetch this rather key piece of information. But if there wasn’t a charge read out, how could the defendants enter a plea? Not guilty to what? “How far is it to your office?” asked DJ Snow. “Would you be walking?” “Yes,” said the CPS. “It’s half an hour each way.” Any decent Londoner would probably have worked out a quicker bus route. “There is likely to be a model charge,” said Robert Short, but didn’t explain why he hadn’t brought it along. To avoid an hour’s wait for everybody, it was decided that he would find the charge from the first trial’s hearing somewhere in the paperwork he’d brought with him, or at least make up a new charge for this second trial in less time than it would take for him to amble to his office and back. So the judge rose and we all went out for five minutes while Robert Short decided what to charge these bright young things for.

The charge set, it was finally read out by the clerk, a woman with magnificently hair-sprayed hair, held firmly in place somewhere circa 1957 (this is a compliment, by the way – she was like some Alfred Hitchcock heroine. It’s worth a trip to Court 5′s gallery just to admire her style.) I couldn’t copy the charge down fast enough – it was so wordy, and I was distracted by the good hair – but it was something about trespassing on land where a lawful activity was taking place, with the intended effect of intimidating persons so as to stop them engaging in that act. In other words, we all understood, they were accused of stopping people from shopping. As for ‘intimidating’, my view is that this group would only be intimidating if you were somehow scared of English roses and intellectual-looking young men with shining eyes.

The judge went through a tongue twister about how because the charge just put was slightly different from the original charge that some defendants were charged with, it would be best to mark the original charge as withdrawn and now deal with this new, single charge. “Is that alright?” he asked the defence. Then he charged forward with the next matter: the issue of abuse of process. This is in reference mainly to this video of a policewoman allegedly telling protesters inside Fortnum & Mason that they would not be arrested.

The judge set out the questions that would be asked in a trial over abuse of process: “Was there any promise made? And if so, is it unfair to try them?” Mike said there were wider issues than just ‘the promise’ – “what information she was given, what happened inside and outside the store, the impact on individual defendants, whether they were present, aware of what she’d said, or heard it second-hand.”

Raj hasn’t received any evidence yet, because none of his defendants are in the first trial, so he’s already on a back foot. “So,” said the judge, “the abuse couldn’t be dealt with until after the trial as it would be based on evidential findings.”

The CPS agreed. “It could only reasonably be determined at the end of trial B.”

The logic was sound, but the result was ridiculous: the defendants need to go through a trial before the court can investigate whether an abuse of process means they should never have been arrested in the first place. Are the chicken and egg available as witnesses?

Of course, when deciding how to run a trial, there are more issues at stake than the charge and the plea: there’s the matter of whether the court has a big enough room to fit everyone into.

Westminster magistrates court won’t be a court for much longer. They’ve built a new court in Marylebone, and the trials will be held there. They just forgot to build a big enough room for this kind of case.

“We can’t accommodate having 17 defendants in this trial, for want of space,” said the judge. So the defendants will have to be split into two groups. The judge suggested alphabetical order for the split, but the CPS had other ideas: “an alternative would be to split them on the lines of their extra factors,” said Robert Short. “For example, whether they had cordon tape and placards, or leaflets.”

His nicety over different kinds of protest stationery evoked the same pained face from the judge as before.
Mike brought up the issue of one defendant from the first trial who wants to move to the second trial because he’s already booked a six month honeymoon trip to Africa, and will be travelling overland to keep his carbon footprint down (this must be an excuse the judge hasn’t heard before).

But before any decisions could be made, it was first necessary to count the number of defendants who were in the first trial. The judge listed off some surnames. “I think that’s 13,” he said. “Or is it 11?” He asked Mike to read out who he had on his list, and the judge and solicitor read their lists in sync then faltered. “Sorry, start again,” said the judge. “Smith, Jones, Jackson…” (Obviously these are not their real names.) Finally the correct number was determined, and then an estimate had to be made on how many days the second trial might last, based on what had been set aside for the first. “The first trial’s listed for, what, 10 days?” checked the judge. It turned out to be nine, spread out over three weeks in November. He mused on how the second trial was bound to be shorter, as a lot of arguments would already have been made and the evidence already presented. “Five days?” he suggested. The solicitors raised him to seven. They want plenty of time, they said, for cross- examination of police witnesses.

The solicitors and defendants went out to discuss instructions, and another case was quickly brought in, a smaller case that could be fitted into the gaps. A young man in a thick plaid shirt.

I felt uncomfortable being present at this tiny portion of his trial, but here I was in the gallery (which has only ten seats, each one precious) and the Fortnums case would be back in a matter of minutes. I kept my eyes down, not wishing to play voyeur into this man’s life. But I couldn’t help hearing what are the bare bones of his story, and I think they’re worth relating so you can see how useless our society and its systems can be at bringing someone into alignment with their own life. This man had missed a community service appointment. “When’s his next appointment?” asked the judge. “Today,” said the young man’s solicitor. “But he’s here instead.” Here for missing an appointment, and now an appointment missed because he’s here. His whole history seemed to consist of missing things, as the judge read out a series of court orders, community services, taggings and breaches, and the main thing he was also missing at the moment, which, sadly, was a current address. “Who’s the young girl he arrived here with?” asked the judge. It was his girlfriend, explained the solicitor. “Is he staying with her?” asked the judge. No, was the answer. But he did have a phone, so he could be contacted and could in theory contact others if he couldn’t make an appointment. He seemed like a person who needed help more than punishment. They were delicately discussing the tricky question of whether the man’s own solicitor believed he could be trusted to stick to another court order after he’d broken so many others, with the only alternative being custody (jail), which the judge said would lead to a series of custody orders, so you began to see how a life could tumble down into an almost permanent prison, when the Fortnums hearing was suddenly ready to resume, and the young man shuffled out, replaced by the 11 protesters. “Check your bag,” the judge told one of the girls whose seat had been temporarily occupied by the young man. “There’s been someone else in the dock.” But all her possessions were still there.

The month of March was agreed on for the trial. The first trial, for the other set of defendants, is happening in November, four months before, but the judge said this gap is needed to “give sufficient time for the outcome of the first trial to be challenged”. And so the appeals process wedges this second trial further forward to a full year after the event.

Then for the final decision on how to split this group of defendants into two trials that each fit neatly into a courtroom. “I’m not drawing a distinction between placards and cordon tape,” said the judge. Mike brought up again the pre-booked honeymoon in Africa, and in a masterstroke of organisation, the judge suggested that this man might be swapped with one of Raj’s defendants, so that Raj would get to be present during the first trial. “It would mean a re-service of all material that’s already been served on Mr. Schwarz,” said the CPS. But they must have a photocopier, as this administrative issue wasn’t seen as an obstacle. One of Raj’s defendants agreed to move to the first trial, and the swap was made. Other date clashes having been dealt with, two dates in March were set, with the defendants split by alphabet. Dates were also set for the evidence to be presented by the prosecution and for the defence to respond, and for the prosecution to respond to that, which are all scattered through the autumn. A second case management date was set, with the defendants all excused from attendance.

This immediately threw up the question of why the defendants in the first trial were having to attend their second case management hearing. In a final display of fairness, the judge withdrew that requirement. The 12 were dismissed and left the room, as the plaid-shirted man was brought back in.

Monday, July 11, 2011

UK Uncut buries The News of the World

The final issue of The News of the World is returned to the gutter that spawned it.

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

Leaked Letter Reveals Tory Welfare Reform Madness: 40,000 More Homeless Families, and An Increase in Cost

Britain’s incompetent coalition government has just hit a new low. In a leaked letter to David Cameron from the office of Eric Pickles, the Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, the ruinous impact of the government’s decision to cap benefits at £500 a week per family (essentially capping housing benefit at £400 a week) is exposed. Pickles, via his private secretary Nico Heslop, told the Prime Minister in no uncertain terms that 40,000 families will be made homeless by the government’s savage welfare reforms, and that the estimated £270m saving from the benefits cap “will be wiped out by the need to divert resources to help the newly homeless and is likely to ‘generate a net cost,’” as the Guardian explained.
The limit on housing benefit was a key plank of Cameron’s manipulation of the electorate last year, with the unemployed portrayed as workshy scroungers, and housing benefit portrayed as something that is a result of their greed, rather than of  landlords setting rents that are either unnecessarily high or an unfortunate response to an overheated property market. The proposals alarmed those involved in housing and welfare, although in polls the public decided to support Cameron and his vile politics of envy, in which he pushed the notion that it was unacceptable for the unemployed to live in houses that those in work were unable to afford.
I lamented all of these developments in my articles last year, Critics Attack UK Government’s Cruel and Ill-Conceived Assault on Welfare and On Housing Benefit Cuts, British Public Reveals Shocking Lack of Empathy and Compassion, in which I also noted that, according to independent research commissioned by Shelter from the Cambridge Centre for Housing & Planning Research at the University of Cambridge, an estimated 134,000 households “will either be evicted or forced to move when the cuts come in next year as they will be unable to negotiate cheaper rents.”
Shelter also noted, “Of these, an estimated 35,000 households will approach their local authorities for housing assistance, and where councils have a legal duty to help they will face costs of up to £120 million a year providing temporary accommodation such as hostels or bed and breakfasts,” adding that these costs “would cancel out a fifth of the £600 million the Treasury has said it will save from the cuts in 2012, the first full year they are in force.”
Eric Pickles’ intervention provides different figures, but the impact is, if anything, even more damaging, as his letter suggests that these changes, impacting on 40,000 families and creating, in London, what Boris Johnson appropriately criticised as “Kosovo-style social cleansing, ” will not save any money at all, and will actually end up costing more that leaving all these people where they are.
There is more in Eric Pickles’ thoroughly alarming letter — an acknowledgment that “We are already seeing increased pressures on homelessness services,” that local authorities “will have to calculate and administer reduced Housing Benefit to keep within the cap,” and that plans to build 56,000 new, “affordable” homes will, as a result, be savaged. Involving a distressing proposal to oblige or allow social housing landlords to charge rents at 80 percent of market rents, the success of this venture depends, in Pickles’ view, on the availability of housing benefit, whereas the cap will, he estimates, lead to 40 percent of the new homes not being built at all.
Pickles’ letter also highlights a particularly cruel benefit-cutting proposal, warning of a PR disaster were it to be implemented. “I understand that there may be a suggestion around requiring families to divert a percentage of their non-housing (benefit) income to cover housing costs,” he writes, adding, “It is important not to underestimate the level of controversy that this would generate (likely to dwarf anything already seen on the HB only caps) and the difficulty of justifying this in policy terms as well as implementation.”
That really ought to tell you all you need to know — that the Prime Minister and his advisers, as well as happily making at least 40,000 people homeless, and striving to eradicate social housing as a valid form of not-for-profit housing, also propose forcing poor families to use the money provided for their living costs (and, for example, child benefit) to be taken away from them to subsidise their rents.
This, of course, is a sign of the essential meanness of spirit of this particular pair of privileged Etonians and their colleagues (including their Lib Dem stooges), as they work out how to kick the poor as savagely as possible, but it is not the only problem, of course. As with almost every aspect of the government’s proposed cuts — and as Eric Pickles pointed out so significantly — the sums don’t even add up. As a result, the welfare reforms join a list of costing disasters that show up the PM and his Chancellor George Osborne as the most incompetent political double-act in living memory, so driven by an ideological desire to destroy the British state that they can’t even make a valid economic case for their reforms.
Think of the savage “reform” of university funding, in which, having eradicated state support for arts, humanities and social science degrees, and having scrapped the fee limit of £3290 a year, the governmenthad the nerve to complain when universities largely decided to charge fees of £9000 a year. Most universities need to do this simply to survive, as it costs more than £9000 a year to teach a student, but the government never thought about this, and is now whingeing about how much it will all cost.
Think of the brutal cuts to legal aid, which are supposed to save £350 million, but will leave ordinary people with almost no ability to seek legal assistance in cases involving debt, employment, housing, family law and criminal negligence. This appears to be a huge financial saving, but as legal experts have warned, and as Zoe Wiliiams explained in a Guardianarticle on June 22, “This might be a cut, but it isn’t a saving. It will cost us a fortune.” Back in February, judges warned that “a massive increase in ‘litigants in person’ — ordinary people appearing in court without a lawyer — will slow down the court system and may cost more money down the line,” as the Guardianexplained. The judges’ council, chaired by head of the judiciary, Lord Igor Judge, stated, “The proposals would lead to a huge increase in the incidence of unrepresented litigants, with serious implications for the quality of justice … at a time when courts are having to cope in any event with closures, budgetary cut-backs and reductions in staff numbers. There is a real question whether the cost savings arising from the proposed cutbacks in the scope of civil and family legal aid would be offset by the additional costs imposed on the system by dealing with the increase in litigants in person.”
The Law Society has launched a campaign against the proposed cuts, establishing a website, Sound Off for Justice, describing its own proposals for saving £384 million “while still protecting access to justice.” The Law Society explains, “Our savings protect the continued provision of legal aid for the neediest in society, while the MoJ proposals would remove the right to legal aid that supported the families affected by the Hillsborough disaster, the Thalidomide scandal, and the Clapham rail crash.”
Think also of the planned privatization by stealth of the NHS. Resistance to the reality of the plans, revealed through the legally enforceable obligation for competition in every aspect of the NHS, has been rigorous, and critics have pointed out how throughly disastrous the government’s plans would be for huge swathes of the NHS in which enforced competition is entirely inappropriate. The government now claims to be revising its plans, but ministers cannot be trusted until the entire bill has been scrapped, because the main reason for the reforms is the ongoing privatisation of the NHS. This can only cost more and result in worse healthcare, because corporate interests don’t have a social conscience, and are designed solely to maximise profits at all costs.
32 years after Margaret Thatcher began the destruction of British society, we need a new way of thinking, which no one in the mainstream appears able to provide. Cameron and Osborne may be spectacular examples of arrogance, stupidity and callousness, but they’re also, essentially, just tinkering with the broken template provided by Margaret Thatcher, John Major, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown, which failed so abysmally with the financial crash of 2008, but whose true impact remains unacknowledged.
Andy Worthington is the author ofThe Guantánamo Files: The Stories of the 774 Detainees in America’s Illegal Prison (published by Pluto Press, distributed by Macmillan in the US, and available from Amazon — click on the following for the USand the UK) and of two other books:Stonehenge: Celebration and Subversion and The Battle of the Beanfield. To receive new articles in your inbox, please subscribe to my RSS feed (and I can also be found on Facebook, Twitter, Digg andYouTube). Also see my definitive Guantánamo prisoner list, updated in June 2011, details about the new documentary film, “Outside the Law: Stories from Guantánamo” (co-directed by Polly Nash and Andy Worthington, on tour in the UK throughout 2011, and available on DVD here — or here for the US), mydefinitive Guantánamo habeas list and the chronological list of all my articles, and, if you appreciate my work, feel free to make a donation.

Tuesday, June 7, 2011

Economic myths and realities: (UK) FALSE ECONOMY - Why cuts are the wrong cure

THE WRONG CURE

Economic myths and realities


Our guide to common economic myths – and the essential articles and blog posts that debunk them. Let us know if we've missed anything.
MYTH 1: The government's deep, rapid spending cuts are the best (or only) way to shrink the deficit.
REALITY: Cameron's government inherited a recovering economy and falling deficit. Since then the economy has stagnated and the deficit has grown.
LINKS:
MYTH 2: Osborne has saved us from the same fate as Ireland, Portugal and Greece.
REALITY: Britain wasn't in the same position as Ireland, Portugal or Greece to start with. But by mimicking their failed austerity policies, Osborne is taking us closer to economic disaster.
LINKS:
MYTH 3: The cuts aren’t that bad.
REALITY: Pro-cuts commentators fiddle the figures by adding the "costs of recession" – extra debt interest and dole payments – onto public service spending. Strip out the former and it's clear the latter is being cut savagely. 
LINKS:
MYTH 4: Government policies are promoting growth.
REALITY: Official figures show the government has strangled a tentative recovery. GDP forecasts have been repeatedly revised down, and the government's "pro-growth" initiatives are feeble.
LINKS:
MYTH 5: The government is rebalancing the economy and will make us less dependent on debt.
REALITY: Osborne claims to be against high levels of both public and private debt. But official forecasts for increased growth rely on us taking on much more personal debt.
LINKS:
MYTH 6: Increased exports will compensate for cuts.
REALITY: "The reliance on trade to boost the economy has been a persistent feature of UK forecasts for the past decade – and they have been persistently wrong.” – Financial Times.
LINKS:
MYTH 7: The government is sorting out the banks with the same urgency that it is cutting the public sector.
REALITY: Osborne's bark has proved much worse than his bite when it comes to clamping down on obscene bonuses, or structural reform to avoid another banking crash.
LINKS:
MYTH 8: The current crisis is the result of the last government's overspending.
REALITY: As the graph in our "How big is the deficit?" section shows, it was the recession – and the resulting collapse in tax receipts – that caused the deficit to soar. 
LINKS:
MYTH 9: Britain's public debt is exceptionally high – historically and in comparison with other countries.
REALITY: Neither claim is true, as illustrated by our “How big is the problem?” graphs and the links below.
MYTH 10: The theory of "expansionary fiscal contraction" explains how cuts will help the economy grow.
REALITY: Even the IMF – in a comprehensive study – found the evidence for this threadbare.
LINKS:
MYTH 11: The way to promote growth is to cut workers' pay and conditions.
REALITY: Analysts from across the political spectrum agree that falling wages for those on low-to-middle incomes helped cause the crash.
LINKS:
MYTH 12: Spending cuts are less harmful to the economy than tax rises.
REALITY: Official figures show spending cuts have a larger impact on GDP than tax rises. They also show policies that take money away from lower earners hit the economy harder than those that target high earners.
LINKS:
MYTH 13: Corporation tax cuts promote growth.
REALITY: If Osborne was so concerned to cut the deficit he wouldn't be reducing tax receipts by cutting corporation tax. There may be arguments for other tax cuts – like VAT – but research shows only a weak relationship between corporation tax and growth.
LINKS:
MYTH 14: The 50p tax rate on earnings over £150,000 will lead to a lower tax take for the Treasury.
REALITY: Advocates of this argument assume a substantial number of high-rate taxpayers will leave the UK due to this tax. There is no evidence for this.
LINKS:
MYTH 15: Global opinion agrees with Nick (and George and Dave).
REALITY: Many other governments and international organisations – even conservative ones – balk at the UK's dash for austerity.
LINKS:
MYTH 16: We can't blame the government for our stagnating economy – other countries are in the same boat.
REALITY: Britain has slid down the global growth table and now languishes near the bottom.
LINKS:
MYTH 17: We’re all in this together.
REALITY: Our section on "How cuts will make Britain more unfair" summarises the unequal effect of the cuts, with more detail provided by the links below.
LINKS:

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

In U.K., Workers threaten summer walkout

A summer of discontent is looming across the West as public sector workers unite to take strike action.
Tens of thousands of staff are being balloted on a one-day walkout on June 30, with unions looking at further industrial action in the autumn.
Some union leaders have told the Daily Press the first general strike in 85 years cannot be ruled out, as feelings are running so high over cuts to services, jobs and pensions.
Teachers, lecturers, coastguards, driving test examiners, courts staff, Ministry of Defence workers and other civil servants could all take action on June 30.
Firefighters added to the pressure on the coalition Government by threatening a national strike over pay, with many in the West furious about planned changes to shift patterns.
Three teaching unions, the National Union of Teachers, Association of Teachers and Lecturers, and the National Association of Head Teachers, have agreed to ballot members on strikes in protest at pension changes.
Members of the University and College Union have already taken industrial action over pensions and could join the co-ordinated June 30 strike.
If it goes ahead hundreds of thousands of pupils at virtually every school in the West could be affected by strikes.
The Public and Commercial Services union (PCS) will ballot more than 250,000 civil servants, with the result due in the middle of June, and predicts a wave of strikes over the summer.
There are 23,000 South West members, and regional secretary Gordon Rowntree told the Daily Press: "In most places morale is hitting rock bottom. People are starting to see the cuts affecting them, and jobs are being lost.
"This is one of the biggest threats that we believe we have ever seen in the Civil Service and public sector generally.
"We have been attacked from all sides and it seems as though we have been made to pay for something we did not create."
He said PCS members are writing to West MPs asking for meetings before the ballot closes on June 15.
"The Communication Workers Union are talking about balloting and industrial action as well, and I imagine Bob Crow of the RMT will do something. The unions are starting to work together, and looking at planning particular activities on June 30.
"The PCS has signed a partnership agreement with Unite and Unison, so three of the biggest unions in the country will commit to working together and no doubt other unions will come on board.
"Whether it will get to the point of a general strike, I don't know.
"The last time we were in a crisis like this was in the 1920s, and the last time we had a general strike was 1926, that puts it into perspective."
Nigel Costley, South West regional secretary of the TUC, said: 
"Passions are running high as people feel the effect of cuts on their services and families.
"Up to now it has really been a political argument, but when people see libraries closing or youth services disappearing, they see for themselves the reality of what it means.
"For public sector workers anger is growing. They see jobs going, pressure of work increasing, pay being cut, and the modest pensions they get under attack, from low-paid hospital workers to head teachers.
"It looks as though many unions will take strike action on June 30, and then unions are prepared to take further action in the autumn,
"Unions are fighting on many fronts – people, are looking at ways of protesting and expressing their escalating anger.
"They want to know how they can resist what is happening and how they can make their voices heard."
Fire Brigades Union South West executive Council member Tam MacFarlane says: "Since the coalition came to power a year ago, morale has suffered.
"People are frustrated, and they are also angry right now and it will get worse as the cuts really start to bite – we are heading for a period of serious industrial unrest.
"In the South West, firefighters, and public service workers generally are becoming far more politicised.
"They are angry especially about bankers receiving enormous bonuses, when we are facing cuts, and they feel they are paying for a deficit they never created."
Unison has launched a formal ballot of members working for Somerset County Council recommending they vote for industrial action short of a strike over cuts to redundancy payments.
It closes on June 16 and calls for a work-to-rule – essentially withdrawing goodwill – and regional organiser Helen Eccles said many work many hours of unpaid overtime.
"Our members are telling us enough is enough. Unlike strike action, a work-to-rule maintains basic service provision, but gives a foretaste of how under-staffed, minimalist and frayed public services will look within a couple of years."
Nationally more than 750,000 workers could join the 24-hour walk-out on June 30, and the CWU has called for the TUC to co-ordinate a nationwide strike.
Cabinet Office Minister Francis Maude hopes industrial action will not take place, but insists the ballot results cannot not deter them from achieving the changes necessary in the present financial climate. "Let's not forget that from day one we have been doing everything we can to protect public service jobs and front line services by cutting Government's overhead costs.
"The reality is that action on pay and pensions is what will protect jobs in the public sector."

Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Banks under siege as protesters launch 'Emergency Operation' to highlight the Government's NHS cuts

By Daily Mail Reporter

Last updated at 10:44 PM on 28th May 2011

Activists protesting against NHS cuts yesterday occupied High Street banks across the country and transformed them into make-shift hospitals.Members of UK Uncut put on scrubs, bandages and fake blood in branches of Natwest, Barclays, Santander and HSBC. Some branches were said to have been forced to close.

Police made nine arests in connection with a protest in Manchester.

Branches in London, Plymouth, Brighton, Glasgow, Bristol, Oxford, Leeds Liverpool, Bournemouth, Ipswich and Dundee were targeted. 

The action was spearheaded by the campaigning group which was joined by trade unionists and other supporters.
Anti-cuts: A group of students make their presence felt laying down on the pavemen in front of a Police cordon outside a branch of HSBC in Camden Town, north London
Anti-cuts: A group of students make their presence felt laying down on the pavemen in front of a Police cordon outside a branch of HSBC in Camden Town, north London
Occupation: A melee ensues as a group of activists try to force their way past a police line in Camden
Occupation: A melee ensues as a group of activists try to force their way past a police line in Camden

The national protest was intended to draw attention to the banks' role in creating the national deficit, which in turn has led to the proposals made for changes within the National Health Service.
 
Activists dressed in doctors' coats and armed with fake blood had been plotting to enter 35 banks across the UK and set up mock hospitals and 'operating theatres'. 


However, some were forced to stage their protests on the streets outside when branches were closed or police lined up to keep them out.

In Camden, north London close to 100 protesters staged actions outside three banks in Camden and held a mock trial of the health secretary, Andrew Landsley.

A protester dressed as the MP was put in the stocks and pelted with tomatoes.

Barclays, HSBC and Natwest were all targeted in Camden - at Natwest protesters forced their way past a police line to gain entry to the bank.

Support: UK Uncut helped organise the protests which are against the Government's impending NHS cuts
Support: UK Uncut helped organise the protests which are against the Government's impending NHS cuts
You can bank on us: The protesters are halted by police as they target another bank in Camden
You can bank on us: The protesters are halted by police as they target another bank in Camden

Protesters outside a branch of HSBC in Newcastle were joined by the musician and activist Billy Bragg, who addressed them by megaphone.

While in Brixton one group managed to enter a Natwest bank and stage their planned theatrical protest.

'The NHS did not cause the financial crisis – the banks did and are continuing to make billions in profits. And yet it is the NHS which is being cut,' said Candy Udwin of the Camden Keep Our NHS Public campaign, which took part.

'Here in Camden there are hundreds of jobs under threat and that is why protests like this are being strongly supported.'

Health worker and UK Uncut supporter Rosie Beech, 29, said: 'David Cameron said he wasn't going to cut the NHS. He lied.

'50,000 NHS staff will lose their jobs, whilst the taxpayer continues to subsidise the banks.

No entry: Activists, some of whom wore hospital scrubs, try to make their way past police and into a branch of Natwest in Camden
No entry: Activists, some of whom wore hospital scrubs, try to make their way past police and into a branch of Natwest in Camden
Flashpoint: Protesters clash with police as they attempt to gain entry to the bank
Flashpoint: Protesters clash with police as they attempt to gain entry to the bank

'Why is the Government cutting the NHS and privatising what's left rather than forcing our broken banking system to pay up?

Dubbed 'The Emergency Operation', the day of protests is the first big action organised by UK Uncut since the arrests of 145 protesters during a sit-in at Fortnum and Mason in London on 26 March, when more than 250,000 people who took to the streets to protest against government spending cuts.

UK Uncut has staged a series of campaigns against tax avoidance and public spending reductions since it was formed in October.

A Barclays spokesman said: 'We are aware of the protests and our priority is the safety of our customers and colleagues and to ensure that the branches can continue to operate wherever possible.'